Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps
<div id="model-response-message-contentr_4e229a1d2212d953" class="markdown markdown-main-panel enable-updated-hr-color" dir="ltr"><hr /> <p>Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science is a <strong>semi-annual, peer-reviewed academic journal</strong> published by the College of Political Science at the University of Mosul. It focuses on <strong>research and studies within the field of political science</strong>.</p> </div>en-US[email protected] (Prof.Dr. Zeyad Samir AL-Dabbagh)[email protected] ( waseem Mowafak Hayaawe)Mon, 01 Jun 2026 07:26:38 +0000OJS 3.3.0.7http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss60الأنظمة السياسية وأثرها في أداء المؤسسات الدستورية: نماذج مختارة (كولومبيا– تايوان– بولندا)
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61367
<p>This research aims to analyze the impact of presidential and mixed systems on the performance of constitutional institutions, with a focus on the executive and legislative branches, through a study of selected models: Colombia, Taiwan, and Poland. The research starts from the question of the extent to which the nature of the political system affects institutional performance efficiency and the mechanisms of power distribution and interaction between constitutional authorities, especially in the context of political and social crises.</p> <p>The study adopted a descriptive analytical approach and a case study approach, allowing for an in-depth understanding of each political experience in its constitutional, historical, and political context, away from strict comparisons. The research concluded that the performance of constitutional institutions is not only determined by the nature of the political system adopted, but is also influenced by the political context and level of stability, the nature of relations between authorities, and the ability of institutions to manage crises.</p>ولاء علي, Ruqayia Karim Jarallah
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61367Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000موقف الأمم المتحدة من الاعتداءات الاسرائيلية على غزة بعد العام 2023
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62073
<table width="659"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="395"> <p>This research monitors the United Nations' stance on the war in Gaza and the efforts exerted to halt the conflict, given its role as the primary international forum for dispute resolution and the maintenance of international peace and security. Specifically, the study illuminates the structural frailty of the international organization and the credibility crisis facing the international legal mechanisms it represents. The UN's position is characterized by "procedural paralysis" in responding to Israeli aggressions against Gaza, with its interventions often being delayed and its organs lacking the executive capacity to terminate the hostilities, The study attributes this failure to the hegemony exercised by major powers, led by the United States, manifested in the obstruction of the organization’s mandate to fulfill its fundamental objective of preserving global peace and security. Furthermore, the research examines the UN’s role in conflict resolution and analyzes how the United States has utilized the institutional framework to shield the Israeli entity through the recurrent use of the veto power. Consequently, the study concludes that the organization’s weak institutional architecture, coupled with external political dominance, serves as a direct catalyst for the escalation and expansion of the conflict.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table>أبرار جواد
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62073Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000التسابق الدولي على القطب الشمالي وجزيرة غرينلاند بعد عام 2025 وتأثيره في النظام الدولي
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62071
<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p> <p> This study examines the strategic transformations in the Arctic and Greenland after 2025, amid the rising importance of polar geography as a domain for deterrence management, regulating access to resources, and competition among major powers. It analyzes the interaction of military, geo-economic, and institutional dimensions, with a focus on the role of high latitudes in reshaping nuclear deterrence, energy security, and maritime routes. Adopting an analytical and forward-looking approach applied to the United States, Russia, and China, the study demonstrates that the Arctic region has emerged as a new active arena for the redistribution of influence within an international system characterized by intensified competition.</p>Ali bashar
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62071Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000آليات وديناميكيات صنع السياسة العامة في النظام السياسي الأسترالي
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62058
<p>Public policy-making constitutes the fundamental pillar of governmental action, serving as the framework through which political orientations are translated into decisions and programs that shape societal outcomes. In the Australian context, this process is characterized by a high degree of complexity, stemming from societal pluralism, the federal structure of the state, and the multiplicity of governmental levels and jurisdictions shared among the Commonwealth, the states, and the territories. Moreover, policy-making in Australia derives particular significance from its constitutional monarchical system, which combines the symbolic dimension of the Crown as a guarantor of political stability with the mechanisms of a parliamentary democracy grounded in electoral representation and the peaceful transfer of power.</p> <p>This study is guided by a central research problem concerned with explaining the mechanisms and dynamics of public policy-making within this intricate institutional framework and the distribution of powers between the federal and state levels. It hypothesizes that the Australian political system has succeeded, through the effective activation of its constitutional institutions and administrative bureaucracy, in developing a distinctive and relatively flexible policy-making model that has contributed to political stability and economic advancement, despite growing coordination challenges and increasing societal demands.</p> <p>To achieve its objectives and test its hypotheses, the study adopts a descriptive approach to examine the structural features of the Australian political system, alongside a systemic analytical approach to explore the interactions shaping policy-making at both the federal and state levels.</p>معتز اسماعيل
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/62058Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000تأثير التنمية المستدامة في تعزيز قدرات الدول لمواجهة الأزمات: الصين خلال جائحة COVID-19 أنموذجا
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61867
<p>This research explores the pivotal role of sustainable development in enhancing countries' resilience to global crises, using China's experience during the COVID-19 pandemic as a case study. It first points out that many countries, particularly developing ones, lack the infrastructure for sustainable development, making them more vulnerable to risks. The research also emphasises that sustainable development is no longer limited to environmental concerns but is a comprehensive system encompassing economic, social, and political dimensions, aiming to optimise resource use and protect the rights of future generations.</p> <p>The research concludes that China's remarkable success in controlling the pandemic was not accidental but rather the result of decades of comprehensive development reforms, improved infrastructure, and a rapid technological response. China's experience demonstrates the critical importance of a strong, visionary government capable of optimising resource utilisation during crises. The research recommends that countries generally follow the Chinese model by integrating environmental policies into economic planning, prioritising education and technological innovation, and recognising political stability and social justice as cornerstones of their ability to meet future challenges.</p> <div id="floating-button-root"> </div> <div class=""> <div class="floating-block floating-power-block"> </div> </div> <div class=""> <div class="floating-block floating-refresh-block" style="opacity: 1; pointer-events: auto;"> </div> </div> <div class=""> <div class="floating-block floating-search-block" style="opacity: 1; pointer-events: auto;"> </div> </div> <div class="floating-img-block" style="background-color: #7513ff; position: relative; right: 0px;"> </div>Gufran Younus Hussein, Humam Abdullah Ali, Hiba Fakhri Ali
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61867Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000مُسبّبات ظاهرة التّطرف في المُجتمعات العربيّة ومُعالجاتها: دراسة حالة المملكة العربيّة السّعودية
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61796
<p>The phenomenon of extremism is one of the most prominent challenges facing Arab societies in the modern era due to its serious repercussions on security, stability, and development. Analyzing its root causes and the contexts that fuel it, in addition to examining the most significant possible approaches to limit its spread, is therefore essential. This study focuses on several key dimensions; political, security, economic, religious, and social, that contribute to the growth of extremist thought in a number of Arab countries. Among the most notable factors are the absence of social justice, the marginalization of large segments of youth, the weakness of educational and religious institutions, the spread of corruption, and deteriorating economic conditions. </p> <p>The study also reviews the efforts of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as a case study in combating extremism through security policies, educational reforms, intellectual rehabilitation programs, and the role of media. In addition, it highlights strategies aimed at reducing the space for extremism by promoting justice, empowering youth, and fostering a culture of tolerance and dialogue. </p>Samah Suhail Alyousuf
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61796Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000المعوقات الاجتماعية لمشاركة المرأة العراقية في مجالس المحافظات: مجلس محافظة نينوى أنموذجا
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61740
<p><strong> </strong></p> <p>Iraqi women's participation in provincial councils, with the Nineveh Provincial Council as a case study, encounters profound social obstacles that impede their complete political empowerment. Although the Iraqi Constitution and a 25% electoral quota ensure women's representation, entrenched tribal norms and social conventions restrict their influence in decision-making, often reducing their roles to symbolic ones.</p> <p>Key challenges encompass Nineveh's dominant tribal culture, which perceives women's public involvement beyond the family as a breach of tradition, coupled with inadequate familial and communal backing for female candidates. Furthermore, limited awareness and societal pressures sideline women in council dynamics, as men are favored for executive roles despite women garnering substantial votes.</p> <p> </p>SAIF ALDBAG, Saad Shihab Ahmed Al-Sheikh, Nabaa Izdeen Mohammed
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61740Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000العقيدة النووية وسياسة الأمن القومي الإيراني بعد عام 2018: دراسة في توظيف نظرية الأمننة
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61694
<p>This study aims to analyze the fundamental transformations that have occurred in Iran’s nuclear doctrine and national security policy after the United States’ withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in May 2018. It employs the theory of securitization as an analytical framework to explain how the Iranian nuclear program shifted from being a political–technical issue to an existential security matter.</p> <p>The study focuses on how decision-makers in Tehran have utilized the discourse of an “external threat”, particularly with respect to the United States and Israel, to justify exceptional policies in both the domestic and foreign arenas. Through this discourse, they reinforced the legitimacy of developing nuclear capabilities as a defensive necessity for safeguarding the state and regime. The study also examines the implications of this securitized narrative for the structure and institutions of Iran’s national security apparatus, as well as for the country’s regional and international relations—including shifts in its negotiating approaches and its level of involvement in regional conflicts.</p> <p>The findings conclude that the post-2018 period constituted a pivotal turning point in Iran’s nuclear doctrine, during which its policy shifted from an approach based on <em>commitment and flexibility</em> to one grounded in <em>deterrence and confrontation</em>. This transformation was driven by the intensification of securitization dynamics, which elevated the nuclear program to a central element of state identity and a key indicator of sovereignty and autonomous strategic decision-making.</p>Firas Elias
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61694Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000التحول الى الشمولية في صنع القرار الصيني: الدوافع والمآلات
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61629
<p> After the death of the leader (Mao Zedong), his successor (Deng Xiaoping) and his colleagues sought to prevent excessive concentration of power, by establishing fixed and specific conditions for positions, a mandatory retirement age, delegating power from the CCP to government agencies, holding regular meetings of party institutions, all these measures were designed to decentralize power, organize political life, institutionalize it, followed by their successors (Jiang Zemin) and (Hu Jintao), as the regular succession of leadership before death was a rare achievement in the Chinese Communist system, and the most important source of "authoritarian flexibility". Over the past decade, (Xi) has made extensive efforts to systematically restructure and centralize decision-making processes within the Chinese party state in all policy areas, strengthen the ability of the CCP to control policy-making and expand its power to advance the Chinese policy agenda, as Chinese President (Xi) is working to return China to the stage of personal leadership after decades of institutional collective leadership; while avoiding what he considers shortcomings in the leadership of his predecessors, however, Xi's centralization of decision-making power may reduce the ability to adapt to lower-level local governments, encourage the adoption of the CCP on certain political approaches to meet China's structural challenges, and if these trends continue, China may put itself in front of a complex set of challenges that force the United States to make difficult-to-predict political and economic decisions, a more assertive foreign policy, and a more aggressive military posture.</p>محمد كاظم
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61629Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000السياسات العامة الاقتصادية وتأثيرها في الاستقرار السياسي الياباني
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/54114
<p>The research discusses an analysis of the relationship between economic public policies and their role in promoting political stability in Japan, taking the Japanese model as a prominent example of how these policies have become a fundamental pillar of political stability. It also highlights the complementary nature between economic orientations and political stability, as the latter is an inevitable necessity for achieving comprehensive development. This requires the adoption of sound economic and social mechanisms and policies by decision-makers, and the provision of a supportive environment that ensures the achievement of stability goals and their continuity across the various sectors of the state. The research focuses on studying the impact of Japanese economic policies on building a stable political system. It also addresses how these policies have contributed to strengthening political legitimacy and reducing social divisions. The research aims to identify the mechanisms through which economic policies contribute to consolidating political stability, focusing on the Japanese model as an effective model in this field, as Japan has been able to transform its economic policies into a tool for promoting stability and social cohesion.</p>محمود تحسين الهورامي, Prof. Dr. Zeyad Samir Zeki
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/54114Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000السياسة الخارجية في بيئات عدم اليقين: مقاربة التعقيد في تفسير سلوك الدول (دراسة نظرية)
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61352
<p>This study focuses on analyzing state behavior in foreign policy within international environments characterized by high levels of uncertainty and structural complexity, by employing the complexity approach as an interpretive framework that goes beyond traditional linear models. The study proceeds from the assumption that contemporary international interactions operate through interconnected networks of actors and variables, where strategic outcomes emerge from nonlinear interactions and continuous feedback processes rather than from isolated, single decisions.</p> <p>The study adopts a theoretical analytical approach supported by a critical review of recent literature on complexity theory and complex adaptive systems, applying their core concepts to patterns of state external behavior in evolving international contexts. The findings indicate that foreign policy outputs in complex environments are dynamic and adaptively phased, and that explanatory power increases when analytical models incorporate emergence, multi-level interaction, and sensitivity to small changes</p> <p>The study concludes that the complexity approach provides a more suitable analytical framework for understanding contemporary international behavior and contributes to developing a flexible strategic conception of foreign policy decision-making based on adaptation and uncertainty management, rather than on assumptions of stability and linear predictability of outcomes.</p>باسل محسن مهنا العميري
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/61352Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000التقييم الاستراتيجي لأداء دول عالم الجنوب حيال مؤتمرات الأطراف: دراسة مقارنة بين العراق والإمارات
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60943
<p>Climate change represents one of the most significant non-traditional challenges facing the international community in the 21st century. Its impacts extend across individuals, states, and societies, manifesting globally through weakened food security, forced migration, global warming, and threats to international security.</p> <p>As international awareness of these repercussions has grown, the Conferences of the Parties (COP) have emerged as the primary framework for international climate change strategies. This research evaluates the strategies of Global South nations toward climate change within the context of these conferences. Despite sharing the status of developing nations with emerging economies, these states differ in their engagement with climate change and the outcomes of COP meetings. For instance, Iraq and the United Arab Emirates are both rentier states whose economies were fundamentally established on the oil sector. However, they have adopted divergent strategies in addressing climate change and vary in the degree to which they treat it as a "securitized" issue according to the theory of securitization.</p>ruqaya al-hassawi, Tareq Mohamed Dhannoon AL Taie
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60943Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000جغرافيا الجماعات المسلحة وتأثيرها في العلاقات الدولية: منطقة الشرق الأوسط انموذجاً
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60758
<p> This research paper examines the phenomenon of the geographical expansion of armed groups, their nature, and their roles in the Middle East, as well as their relationship with regional states and major powers. Particular emphasis is placed on radical Islamist, Kurdish, and Shiite groups that possess military capabilities and constrain the state’s ability to exercise full control over its territory. The study analyzes their objectives and the implications of their activities for regional and international relations, as well as for the policies of regional states and great powers in arming these actors. To better understand the transformation of the Middle Eastern geopolitical landscape, the paper offers a new empirical and analytical perspective on the influence of five prominent actors—Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham—especially in the aftermath of the upheavals that have shaken the region since 2011. It seeks to clarify and analyze the underlying factors that have driven both armed groups and states into patterns of cooperation and hostility.</p> <p> The findings indicate that the interventions of these states, collectively, have exacerbated instability in the region by empowering these groups vis-à-vis the political regimes in their countries, thereby complicating the situation and generating an endless cycle of proxy warfare.</p>Mohammed Mahmood
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60758Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000التنافس الجيوسياسي على الممرات المائية: دراسة مقارنة بين قناة السويس وقناة بنما
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60535
<p><strong> </strong></p> <p><strong>Abstract:</strong></p> <p> This study examines geopolitical competition over international maritime corridors through a comparative analysis of the Suez Canal and the Panama Canal, as two of the most critical maritime chokepoints in the global trading system. The research concludes that the Suez Canal enjoys greater geopolitical and operational resilience, whereas the Panama Canal faces increasing vulnerability due to climate change and water constraints. These challenges contribute to reshaping global trade patterns and encourage the diversification of transit routes. The study also presents a set of future scenarios that reflect potential trajectories of competition over strategic maritime corridors</p>حامد صالح مروة الحمداني
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60535Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000التنافس الهندي-الصيني في جزر المالديف
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60512
<p>This study examines the India-Chinese competition over the Maldives within the framework of its escalating geopolitical dimensions in the Indian Ocean, and its direct and indirect repercussions on Maldivian state stability and regional security. The study is based on the premise that the Maldives is no longer merely a small island state, but has evolved into a strategic crossroads for major powers’ interests amid the ongoing reshaping of power balances in the Indian Ocean and the intensification of maritime influence competition.</p> <p>The research highlights the instruments of penetration employed by both India and China to consolidate their presence in the Maldives, demonstrating the diversity of these tools, which range from development assistance and maritime initiatives to military support, alongside the deployment of soft power through health, education, and humanitarian initiatives as indirect means of entrenching influence and securing local acceptance. It further clarifies the drivers of this competition, closely linked to the Maldives’ critical geostrategic location and its significance for maritime trade routes and Indian Ocean maritime security.</p> <p>The study also discusses the impact of successive political transformations within the Maldives, emphasizing the pivotal role of power transitions between different governments in repositioning the state between the Indian and Chinese axes, with tangible implications for its foreign relations and strategic choices. The study concludes that this competition not only threatens internal stability in the Maldives but also extends to regional security in the Indian Ocean, particularly in light of growing polarization among major powers and the increasing fragility of regional.</p>ايلاف خضير
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60512Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000دور الشركات متعددة الجنسيات في التنافس الدولي الراهن
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60489
<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p> <p>This study examines the expanding role of multinational corporations in reshaping contemporary patterns of international competition. The research problem centers on how these corporations have evolved from conventional economic actors into influential instruments of geo-economic power that shape state policies, particularly through foreign direct investment and technology transfer. The study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach by reviewing key political economy literature and analyzing empirical examples of major multinational corporations operating in technology, energy, and industrial sectors, with special attention to Huawei as a case illustrating the intersection between economic interests and geopolitical rivalry among major powers. The findings indicate that multinational corporations have become structural components of global power, actively participating in the redistribution of economic roles, influencing globalization processes, and, in some cases, constraining the economic sovereignty of developing states. The research also highlights the dual nature of the relationship between states and multinational corporations, as it simultaneously offers opportunities for economic growth, innovation, and market integration, while posing risks related to dependency, regulatory asymmetries, and structural vulnerabilities. The study concludes that there is an urgent need for more effective national and international regulatory frameworks capable of balancing investment attraction with the protection of national economic interests. Such frameworks would enable states to engage multinational corporations as strategic partners rather than allowing them to operate as dominant forces within the international system.</p>رياض الربيعي
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/60489Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000توازن القوى في الشرق الاوسط بعد طوفان الأقصى
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/55932
<table width="659"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="395"> <p> The subject of this research attempts to uncover, analyze, and understand the fundamental shifts in the balance of power in the Middle East that occurred or accelerated following the events of "Al-Aqsa Flood" (October 7, 2023), focusing on their potential repercussions on the stability of the region and the future of conflicts and alliances within it. "Al-Aqsa Flood" was not merely a passing military event, but a turning point that restored the balance of power in the Middle East. The active parties relied on their capabilities to reformulate their strategies to deal with these new balances. The "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation also generated varying reactions among countries, while simultaneously accelerating the pace of change in the region and revealing potential geopolitical shifts. Despite the surprise of the Zionist entity, subsequent developments indicate that it exploited the event to promote its expansionist goals with full American support. As we have noted, both Russia and China were pursuing policies different from those of the United States, as they sought to gain the favor of the Arab and Islamic peoples, considering them the core of the ruling regimes in the region, and thus they would influence Arab decision-makers in the future in a way that serves their interests.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table>ahmed jassim
Copyright (c) 2026 Al-Rafidain Journal of Political Science
https://rjps.uomosul.edu.iq/index.php/rjps/article/view/55932Mon, 01 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000